The history of Nigeria
can be traced to prehistoric settlers living in the area as early as
11,000 BC. Numerous ancient African civilizations settled in the region
that is today Nigeria. An example of one of the civilizations that
settles in Nigeria is the Nri Kingdom. Islam reached Nigeria through the Hausa States during the 11th century. The Songhai Empire also occupied part of the region. Nigeria was colonized by Britain
in 1885, and later became a British protectorate in 1901. Colonization
lasted up until 1960, when an independence movement succeeded in gaining
Nigeria its independence.
Nigeria first became a republic
at the time it was founded, but succumbed to military rule in 1966
after a bloody coup d'état. A separatist movement later formed the Republic of Biafra in 1967, leading to the three-year Nigerian Civil War. Nigeria became a republic
once again after a new constitution was written in 1979. However, the
republic was short-lived, when the military led by Major General Muhammadu Buhari seize again four years later. Buhari was overthrown and a new republic was founded in 1993, but was dissolved again by General Sani Abacha afterwards. Abacha died in 1998 and a fourth republic
was later established the following year, ending three decades of
military rule. Today, Nigeria is in the process with rebuilding its
petroleum-based economy and fighting the Islamic militant group Boko Haram.
Early history
Archaeological research, pioneered by Thurstan Shaw and Steve Daniels,
has shown that people were already living in south-western Nigeria (specifically Iwo-Eleru) as early as 11,000 BC
and perhaps earlier at Ugwuelle-Uturu (Okigwe) in south-eastern Nigeria, where microliths were used.
The earliest known example of a fossil
human skeleton found anywhere in West Africa, which is 13,000 years
old, was found at Iwo-Eleru in western Nigeria and attests to the
antiquity of habitation in the region.
Microlithic and ceramic industries were also developed by savanna pastoralists from at least the 4th millennium BC and were continued by subsequent agricultural communities. In the south, hunting and gathering gave way to subsistence farming around the same time, relying more on the indigenous yam and oil palm than on the cereals important in the North.
The stone axe heads, imported in great quantities from the north and
used in opening the forest for agricultural development, were venerated
by the Yoruba descendants of neolithic pioneers as "thunderbolts" hurled to earth by the gods.
Iron Smelting furnaces at Taruga dating from around 600 BC provide the oldest evidence of metalworking in Sub-Saharan Africa. Kainji Dam excavations revealed iron-working by the 2nd century BC. The transition from Neolithic times to the Iron Age apparently was achieved indigenously without intermediate bronze production. Others suggest the technology moved west from the Nile Valley, although the Iron Age in the Niger River
valley and the forest region appears to predate the introduction of
metallurgy in the upper savanna by more than 800 years. The earliest
identified iron-using Nigerian culture is that of the Nok culture that thrived between approximately 900 BC and 200 AD on the Jos Plateau
in north-eastern Nigeria. Information is lacking from the first
millennium AD following the Nok ascendancy, but by the 2nd millennium
there was active trade from North Africa through the Sahara to the forest, with the people of the savanna acting as intermediaries in exchanges of various goods.
Yoruba
Historically the Yoruba people have been the dominant group on the west bank of the Niger. Their nearest linguistic relatives are the Igala who live on the opposite side of the Niger's divergence from the Benue, and from whom they are believed to have split about 2,000 years ago.
The Yoruba were organized in mostly patrilineal
groups that occupied village communities and subsisted on agriculture.
From approximately the 8th century A.D., adjacent village compounds
called
ile coalesced into numerous territorial city-states
in which clan loyalties became subordinate to dynastic chieftains.
Urbanization was accompanied by high levels of artistic achievement,
particularly in terracotta and ivory sculpture and in the sophisticated metal casting produced at Ife.
The Yoruba paid tribute to a pantheon composed of an impersonal Supreme Deity, Olorun The Olorun is now called God in the Yoruba language., and 400 lesser deities who perform various tasks.According to the Yoruba, Oduduwa
is regarded as both the creator of the earth and the ancestor of the
Yoruba kings. According to one of the various myths about him, he
founded Ife and dispatched his sons and daughters to establish similar
kingdoms in other parts of what is today known as Yorubaland. The Yorubaland now consists of different tribes from different states which are located in the Southwestern part of the country. States like Ondo State, Ekiti State, Ogun State and a lot of them..
Igbo
Nri Kingdom
The city of Nri is considered to be the foundation of Igbo culture.
Nri and Aguleri, where the Igbo creation myth originates, are in the
territory of the Umueri clan, who trace their lineages back to the
patriarchal king-figure, Eri.
Eri's origins are unclear, though he has been described as a "sky being" sent by Chukwu (God).
He has been characterized as having first given societal order to the people of Anambra
.
Archaeological evidence suggests that Nri hegemony in Igboland may go back as far as the 9th century,
and royal burials have been unearthed dating to at least the 10th
century. Eri, the god-like founder of Nri, is believed to have settled
the region around 948 with other related Igbo cultures following after
in the 13th century.
The first Eze Nri (King of Nri), Ìfikuánim, followed directly after
him. According to Igbo oral tradition, his reign started in 1043.
At least one historian puts Ìfikuánim's reign much later, around 1225 AD.
Each king traces his origin back to the founding ancestor, Eri. Each
king is a ritual reproduction of Eri. The initiation rite of a new king
shows that the ritual process of becoming Ezenri (Nri priest-king)
follows closely the path traced by the hero in establishing the Nri
kingdom.
Nri and Aguleri and part of the Umueri clan, a cluster of Igbo
village groups which traces its origins to a sky being called Eri, and,
significantly, includes (from the viewpoint of its Igbo members) the
neighbouring kingdom of Igala.
The Kingdom of Nri was a religio-polity, a sort of theocratic state, that developed in the central heartland of the Igbo region.
The Nri had a taboo symbolic code with six types. These included human (such as the birth of twins), animal (such as killing or eating of pythons),
object, temporal, behavioral, speech and place taboos.
The rules regarding these taboos were used to educate and govern Nri's
subjects. This meant that, while certain Igbo may have lived under
different formal administration, all followers of the Igbo religion had to abide by the rules of the faith and obey its representative on earth, the Eze Nri.
Decline of Nri kingdom
With the decline of Nri kingdom
in the 1400-1600 AD, several states once under their influence, became
powerful economic oracular oligarchies and large commercial states that
dominated Igboland. The neighboring Awka city-state rose in power as a result of their powerful Agbala oracle and metalworking expertise. The Onitsha Kingdom, which was originally inhabited by Igbos from east of the Niger, was founded in the 16th century by migrants from Anioma (Western Igboland).
Later groups like the Igala traders from the hinterland settled in Onitsha in the 18th century. Western Igbo kingdoms like Aboh, dominated trade in the lower Niger area from the 17th century until European penetration. The Umunoha state in the Owerri area used the
Igwe ka Ala oracle at their advantage. However, the Cross River Igbo state like the Aro had the greatest influence in Igboland and adjacent areas after the decline of Nri.
The Arochukwu kingdom emerged after the Aro-Ibibio Wars from 1630 to 1720, and went on to form the Aro Confederacy
which economically dominated Eastern Nigerian hinterland. The source of
the Aro Confederacy's economic dominance was based on the judicial
oracle of Ibini Ukpabi ("Long Juju") and their military forces which included powerful allies such as Ohafia, Abam, Ezza,
and other related neighboring states. The related Abiriba (Abiriba and
Aro Are Brothers whose migration is traced to Ekpa Kingdom in East of
Cross River; their exact take of location was at Ekpa (Mkpa) east of the
Cross river. They crossed the river to urupkam (Usukpam) west of the
Cross river and founded two settlements: Ena Uda and Ena Ofia in
present-day Erai. Aro and Abiriba cooperated to become a powerful
economic force.
Igbo gods, like those of the Yoruba,
were numerous, but their relationship to one another and human beings
was essentially egalitarian, reflecting Igbo society as a whole. A
number of oracles and local cults attracted devotees while the central deity, the earth mother and fertility figure Ala, was venerated at shrines throughout Igboland.
The weakness of a popular theory that Igbos were stateless rests on
the paucity of historical evidence of pre-colonial Igbo society. There
is a huge gap between the archaeological finds of Igbo Ukwu, which
reveal a rich material culture in the heart of the Igbo region in the
8th century, and the oral traditions of the 20th century. Benin
exercised considerable influence on the western Igbo, who adopted many
of the political structures familiar to the Yoruba-Benin region, but
Asaba and its immediate neighbors, such as Ibusa, Ogwashi-Ukwu, Okpanam, Issele-Azagba and Issele-Ukwu, were much closer to the Kingdom of Nri. Ofega was the queen for the Onitsha Igbo.
Early states before 1500
The early independent kingdoms and states that make up present-day British colonialized Nigeria are (in alphabetical order):
- Benin Kingdom
- Borgu Kingdom
- Fulani Empire
- Hausa Kingdoms
- Kanem Bornu Empire
- Kwararafa Kingdom
- Ibibio Kingdom
- Nri Kingdom
- Nupe Kingdom
- Oyo Kingdom
- Songhai Empire
- Warri Kingdom
Oyo and Benin
During the 15th century Oyo and Benin
surpassed Ife as political and economic powers, although Ife preserved
its status as a religious center. Respect for the priestly functions of
the
oni of Ife was a crucial factor in the evolution of Yoruban
culture. The Ife model of government was adapted at Oyo, where a member
of its ruling dynasty controlled several smaller city-states. A state
council (the
Oyo Mesi) named the
alafin (king) and acted
as a check on his authority. Their capital city was situated about
100 km north of present-day Oyo. Unlike the forest-bound Yoruba
kingdoms, Oyo was in the savanna and drew its military strength from its
cavalry forces, which established hegemony over the adjacent Nupe and the Borgu kingdoms and thereby developed trade routes farther to the north.
The Benin Empire (1440–1897; called
Bini by locals) was a
pre-colonial African state in what is now modern Nigeria. It should not
be confused with the modern-day country called Benin, formerly called
Dahomey.
Main article: Benin Empire
Northern kingdoms of the Sahel
Trade is the key to the emergence of organized communities in the sahelian
portions of Nigeria. Prehistoric inhabitants adjusting to the
encroaching desert were widely scattered by the third millennium BC,
when the desiccation of the Sahara began. Trans-Saharan trade routes linked the western Sudan with the Mediterranean since the time of Carthage and with the Upper Nile
from a much earlier date, establishing avenues of communication and
cultural influence that remained open until the end of the 19th century.
By these same routes, Islam made its way south into West Africa after the 9th century AD.
By then a string of dynastic states, including the earliest Hausa states, stretched across western and central Sudan. The most powerful of these states were Ghana, Gao, and Kanem,
which were not within the boundaries of modern Nigeria but which
influenced the history of the Nigerian savanna. Ghana declined in the
11th century but was succeeded by the Mali Empire which consolidated much of western Sudan in the 13th century.
Following the breakup of Mali a local leader named Sonni Ali (1464–1492) founded the Songhai Empire in the region of middle Niger and the western Sudan and took control of the trans-Saharan trade. Sonni Ali seized Timbuktu in 1468 and Djenné in 1473, building his regime on trade revenues and the cooperation of Muslim merchants. His successor Askia Muhammad Ture (1493–1528) made Islam
the official religion, built mosques, and brought Muslim scholars,
including al-Maghili (d.1504), the founder of an important tradition of
Sudanic African Muslim scholarship, to Gao.
Although these western empires had little political influence on the
Nigerian savanna before 1500 they had a strong cultural and economic
impact that became more pronounced in the 16th century, especially
because these states became associated with the spread of Islam and
trade. Throughout the 16th century much of northern Nigeria paid homage
to Songhai in the west or to Borno, a rival empire in the east.
Kanem-Bornu Empire
Borno's history is closely associated with Kanem, which had achieved imperial status in the Lake Chad basin by the 13th century. Kanem expanded westward to include the area that became Borno. The mai
(king) of Kanem and his court accepted Islam in the 11th century, as
the western empires also had done. Islam was used to reinforce the
political and social structures of the state although many established
customs were maintained. Women, for example, continued to exercise
considerable political influence.
The
mai employed his mounted bodyguard and an inchoate army of
nobles to extend Kanem's authority into Borno. By tradition the
territory was conferred on the heir to the throne to govern during his
apprenticeship. In the 14th century, however, dynastic conflict forced
the then-ruling group and its followers to relocate in Borno, where as a
result the Kanuri emerged as an ethnic group in the late 14th and 15th
centuries. The civil war that disrupted Kanem in the second half of the
14th century resulted in the independence of Borno.
Borno's prosperity depended on the trans-Sudanic slave trade and the
desert trade in salt and livestock. The need to protect its commercial
interests compelled Borno to intervene in Kanem, which continued to be a
theater of war throughout the 15th century and into the 16th century.
Despite its relative political weakness in this period, Borno's court
and mosques under the patronage of a line of scholarly kings earned fame
as centers of Islamic culture and learning.
Hausa states
By the 11th century some Hausa states - such as Kano, Jigawa, Katsina, and Gobir - had developed into walled towns engaging in trade, servicing caravans,
and the manufacture of various goods. Until the 15th century these
small states were on the periphery of the major Sudanic empires of the
era. They were constantly pressured by Songhai to the west and
Kanem-Borno to the east, to which they paid tribute. Armed conflict was
usually motivated by economic concerns, as coalitions of Hausa states
mounted wars against the Jukun and Nupe in the middle belt to collect slaves or against one another for control of trade.
Islam arrived to Hausaland along the caravan routes. The famous
Kano Chronicle
records the conversion of Kano's ruling dynasty by clerics from Mali,
demonstrating that the imperial influence of Mali extended far to the
east. Acceptance of Islam was gradual and was often nominal in the
countryside where folk religion continued to exert a strong influence.
Nonetheless, Kano and Katsina, with their famous mosques and schools,
came to participate fully in the cultural and intellectual life of the
Islamic world. The Fulani
began to enter the Hausa country in the 13th century and by the 15th
century they were tending cattle, sheep, and goats in Borno as well. The
Fulani came from the Senegal River
valley, where their ancestors had developed a method of livestock
management based on transhumance. Gradually they moved eastward, first
into the centers of the Mali and Songhai empires and eventually into
Hausaland and Borno. Some Fulbe converted to Islam as early as the 11th
century and settled among the Hausa, from whom they became racially
indistinguishable. There they constituted a devoutly religious, educated
elite who made themselves indispensable to the Hausa kings as
government advisers, Islamic judges, and teachers.
De-colonial states, 1800-2000
Savanna states
During the 16th century the Songhai Empire
reached its peak, stretching from the Senegal and Gambia rivers and
incorporating part of Hausaland in the east. Concurrently the Saifawa Dynasty of Borno conquered Kanem
and extended control west to Hausa cities not under Songhai authority.
Largely because of Songhai's influence, there was a blossoming of
Islamic learning and culture. Songhai collapsed in 1591 when a Moroccan
army conquered Gao and Timbuktu. Morocco was unable to control the
empire and the various provinces, including the Hausa states, became
independent. The collapse undermined Songhai's hegemony over the Hausa
states and abruptly altered the course of regional history.
Borno reached its pinnacle under
mai Idris Aloma (ca. 1569-1600) during whose reign Kanem
was reconquered. The destruction of Songhai left Borno uncontested and
until the 18th century Borno dominated northern Nigeria. Despite Borno's
hegemony the Hausa states continued to wrestle for ascendancy.
Gradually Borno's position weakened; its inability to check political
rivalries between competing Hausa cities was one example of this
decline. Another factor was the military threat of the Tuareg
centered at Agades who penetrated the northern districts of Borno. The
major cause of Borno's decline was a severe drought that struck the Sahel
and savanna from in the middle of the 18th century. As a consequence
Borno lost many northern territories to the Tuareg whose mobility
allowed them to endure the famine more effectively. Borno regained some
of its former might in the succeeding decades, but another drought
occurred in the 1790s, again weakening the state.
Ecological and political instability provided the background for the jihad of Usman dan Fodio.
The military rivalries of the Hausa states strained the region's
economic resources at a time when drought and famine undermined farmers
and herders. Many Fulani moved into Hausaland and Borno, and their
arrival increased tensions because they had no loyalty to the political
authorities, who saw them as a source of increased taxation. By the end
of the 18th century, some Muslim ulema
began articulating the grievances of the common people. Efforts to
eliminate or control these religious leaders only heightened the
tensions, setting the stage for jihad.
According to the
Encyclopedia of African History, "It is estimated that by the 1890s the largest slave population of the world, about 2 million people, was concentrated in the territories of the Sokoto Caliphate. The use of slave labor was extensive, especially in agriculture."
Akwa Akpa
The modern city of Calabar was founded in 1786 by Efik families who had left Creek Town, farther up the Calabar river,
settling on the east bank in a position where they were able to
dominate traffic with European vessels that anchored in the river, and
soon becoming the most powerful in the region.
Akwa Akpa became a center of the slave trade, where slaves were exchanged for European goods.
Most slave ships that transported slaves from Calabar were English, and around 85% of these ships being from Bristol and Liverpool merchants.
[19] The main ethnic group taken out of Calabar as slaves were the Igbo, although they were not the main ethnicity in the area.
With the suppression of the slave trade, palm oil and palm kernels
became the main exports. The chiefs of Akwa Akpa placed themselves under
British protection in 1884.
From 1884 until 1906 Old Calabar was the headquarters of the Niger Coast Protectorate, after which Lagos became the main center.
Now called Calabar, the city remained an important port shipping ivory,
timber, beeswax, and palm produce until 1916, when the railway terminus
was opened at Port Harcourt, 145 km to the west.
A British sphere of influence
Stamp of Southern Nigeria, 1901
Colonial Flag of Nigeria
Following the Napoleonic
wars, the British expanded trade with the Nigerian interior. In 1885,
British claims to a West African sphere of influence received
international recognition; and in the following year, the Royal Niger Company was chartered under the leadership of Sir George Taubman Goldie.
In 1900, the company's territory came under the control of the British
Government, which moved to consolidate its hold over the area of modern
Nigeria. On 1 January 1901, Nigeria became a British protectorate, part of the British Empire, the foremost world power at the time.
In 1914, the area was formally united as the Colony and Protectorate
of Nigeria. Administratively, Nigeria remained divided into the Northern
and Southern Provinces and Lagos Colony.
Western education and the development of a modern economy proceeded
more rapidly in the south than in the north, with consequences felt in
Nigeria's political life ever since. Following World War II,
in response to the growth of Nigerian nationalism and demands for
independence, successive constitutions legislated by the British
Government moved Nigeria toward self-government on a representative and
increasingly federal basis. On 1 October 1954, the colony became the
autonomous Federation of Nigeria. By the middle of the 20th century, the
great wave for independence was sweeping across Africa. On 27 October
1958 Britain agreed that Nigeria would become an independent state on 1
October 1960.
Independence
Jaja Wachuku, First Nigerian Speaker of the House, 1959-60
The Federation of Nigeria was granted full independence on 1 October 1960 under a constitution that provided for a parliamentary government and a substantial measure of self-government for the country's three regions. From 1959 to 1960, Jaja Wachuku was the First Nigerian Speaker of the Nigerian Parliament - also called the "House of Representatives." Jaja Wachuku replaced Sir Frederick Metcalfe of Britain.
Notably, as First Speaker of the House, Jaja Wachuku received Nigeria's
Instrument of Independence - also known as Freedom Charter - on 1
October 1960, from Princess Alexandra of Kent, The Queen's representative at the Nigerian independence ceremonies.
The Federal government was given exclusive powers in defense, foreign
relations, and commercial and fiscal policy. The monarch of Nigeria was
still head of state but legislative power was vested in a bicameral
parliament, executive power in a prime minister and cabinet, and
judicial authority in a Federal Supreme Court. Political parties,
however, tended to reflect the make up of the three main ethnic groups.
The Nigerian People's Congress (NPC) represented conservative, Muslim, largely Hausa and Fulani
interests that dominated the Northern Region. The northern region of
the country, consisting of three-quarters of the land area and more than
half the population of Nigeria.
Thus the North dominated the federation government from the beginning
of independence. In the 1959 elections held in preparation for
independence, the NPC captured 134 seats in the 312-seat parliament.
Capturing 89 seats in the federal parliament was the second largest party in the newly independent country the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC). The NCNC represented the interests of the Igbo- and Christian-dominated people of the Eastern Region of Nigeria.
[23] and the Action Group (AG) was a left-leaning party that represented the interests of the Yoruba people in the West. In the 1959 elections the AG obtained 73 seats.
The first post-independence national government was formed by a
conservative alliance of the NCNC and the NPC. Upon independence, it was
widely expected that Ahmadu Bello the Sardauna of Sokoto, the undisputed strong man in Nigeria
[24]
who controlled the North, would become Prime Minister of the new
Federation Government. However, Bello chose to remain as premier of the
North and as party boss of the NPC, selected Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a Hausa, to become Nigeria's first Prime Minister.
The Yoruba-dominated AG became the opposition under its charismatic leader Chief Obafemi Awolowo. However, in 1962, a faction arose within the AG under the leadership of Ladoke Akintola
who had been selected as premier of the West. The Akintola faction
argued that the Yoruba peoples were losing their pre-eminent position in
business in Nigeria to people of the Igbo tribe because the
Igbo-dominated NCNC was part of the governing coalition and the AG was
not.
The federal government Prime Minister, Balewa agreed with the Akintola
faction and sought to have the AG join the government. The party
leadership under Awolowo disagreed and replaced Akintola as premier of
the West with one of their own supporters. However, when Western Region
parliament met to approve this change, Akintola supporters in the
parliament started a riot in the chambers of the parliament.
Fighting between the members broke out. Chairs were thrown and one
member grabbed the parliamentary Mace and wielded it like a weapon to
attack the Speaker and other members. Eventually, the police with tear
gas were required to quell the riot. In subsequent attempts to reconvene
the Western parliament, similar disturbances broke out.
Unrest continued in the West and contributed to the Western Region's reputation for, violence, anarchy and rigged elections.
Federal Government Prime Minister Balewa declared martial law in the
Western Region and arrested Awolowo and other members of his faction
charged them with treason. Akintola was appointed to head a coalition
government in the Western Region. Thus, the AG was reduced to an
opposition role in their own stronghold.
First Republic
In October 1963 Nigeria proclaimed itself the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and former Governor General Nnamdi Azikiwe became the country's first President.
From the outset Nigeria's ethnic and religious tensions were magnified
by the disparities in economic and educational development between the
south and the north. The AG was maneuvered out of control of the Western
Region by the Federal Government and a new pro-government Yoruba party,
the Nigerian National Democratic Party
(NNDP), took over. Shortly afterward the AG opposition leader, Chief
Obafemi Awolowo, was imprisoned to be without foundation. The 1965
national election produced a major realignment of politics and a
disputed result that set the country on the path to civil war.
The dominant northern NPC went into a conservative alliance with the
new Yoruba NNDP, leaving the Igbo NCNC to coalesce with the remnants of
the AG in a progressive alliance. In the vote, widespread electoral
fraud was alleged and riots erupted in the Yoruba West where heartlands
of the AG discovered they had apparently elected pro-government NNDP
representatives.
First period of military rule
On 15 January 1966 a group of army officers (the Young Majors) mostly
south-eastern Igbos, overthrew the NPC-NNDP government and assassinated
the prime minister and the premiers of the northern and western
regions. However the bloody nature of the Young Majors coup caused
another coup to be carried out by General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi. The Young Majors went into hiding. Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna fled to Kwami Nkrumah's Ghana where he was welcomed as a hero.
Some of the Young Majors were arrested and detained by the Ironsi
government. Among the Igbo people of the Eastern Region, these detainees
were heroes.
In the Northern Region, however, the Hausa and Fulani people demanded that the detainees be placed on trial for murder.
[29] The federal military government that assumed power under General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi
was unable to quiet ethnic tensions on issue or other issues.
Additionally, the Ironsi government was unable to produce a constitution
acceptable to all sections of the country. Most fateful for the Ironsi
government was the decision to issue Decree No. 34 which sought to unify
the nation.
Decree No. 34 sought to do away with the whole federal structure under
which the Nigerian government had been organized since independence.
Rioting broke out in the North.
The Ironsi government's efforts to abolish the federal structure and
the renaming the country the Republic of Nigeria on 24 May 1966 raised
tensions and led to another coup by largely northern officers in July
1966, which established the leadership of Major General Yakubu Gowon.
The name Federal Republic of Nigeria was restored on 31 August 1966.
However, the subsequent massacre of thousands of Igbo in the north
prompted hundreds of thousands of them to return to the south-east where
increasingly strong Igbo secessionist sentiment emerged. In a move
towards greater autonomy to minority ethnic groups the military divided
the four regions into 12 states. However the Igbo rejected attempts at
constitutional revisions and insisted on full autonomy for the east.
The Central Intelligence Agency commented in October 1966 in an CIA Intelligence Memorandum that:
"Africa's most populous country (population estimated at 48 million)
is in the throes of a highly complex internal crisis rooted in its
artificial origin as a British dependency containing over 250 diverse
and often antagonistic tribal groups. The present crisis started" with
Nigerian independence in 1960, but the federated parliament hid "serious
internal strains. It has been in an acute stage since last January when
a military coup d'état destroyed the constitutional regime bequeathed
by the British and upset the underlying tribal and regional power
relationships. At stake now are the most fundamental questions which can
be raised about a country, beginning with whether it will survive as a
single viable entity.
The situation is uncertain, with Nigeria, ..is sliding downhill
faster and faster, with less and less chance unity and stability. Unless
present army leaders and contending tribal elements soon reach
agreement on a new basis for association and take some effective
measures to halt a seriously deteriorating security situation, there
will be increasing internal turmoil, possibly including civil war.
On 29 May 1967, Lt. Col. Emeka Ojukwu,
the military governor of the eastern region who emerged as the leader
of increasing Igbo secessionist sentiment, declared the independence of
the eastern region as the Republic of Biafra on 30 May 1967.
The ensuing Nigerian Civil War
resulted in an estimated 3.5 million deaths (mostly from starving
children) before the war ended with Gowon's famous "No victor, no
vanquished" speech in 1970.
Following the civil war the country turned to the task of economic
development. The U.S. intelligence community concluded in November 1970
that "...The Nigerian Civil War ended with relatively little rancor. The
Igbos were accepted as fellow citizens in many parts of Nigeria, but
not in some areas of former Biafra
where they were once dominant. Iboland is an overpopulated,
economically depressed area where massive unemployment is likely to
continue for many years.
The U.S. analysts said that "...Nigeria is still very much a tribal
society..." where local and tribal alliances count more than "national
attachment. General Yakubu Gowon,
head of the Federal Military Government (FMG) is the accepted national
leader and his popularity has grown since the end of the war. The FMG is
neither very efficient nor dynamic, but the recent announcement that it
intends to retain power for six more years has generated little
opposition so far. The Nigerian Army,
vastly expanded during the war, is both the main support to the FMG and
the chief threat to it. The troops are poorly trained and disciplined
and some of the officers are turning to conspiracies and plotting. We
think Gowon will have great difficulty in staying in office through the
period which he said is necessary before the turnover of power to
civilians. His sudden removal would dim the prospects for Nigerian
stability."
"Nigeria's economy came through the war in better shape than
expected." Problems exist with inflation, internal debt, and a huge
military budget, competing with popular demands for government services.
"The petroleum industry is expanding faster than expected and oil
revenues will help defray military and social service expenditures...
"Nigeria emerged from the war with a heightened sense of national pride
mixed with anti-foreign sentiment, and an intention to play a larger
role in African and world affairs." British cultural influence is strong
but its political influence is declining. The Soviet Union benefits
from Nigerian appreciation of its help during the war, but is not trying
for control. Nigerian relations with the US, cool during the war, are
improving, but France may be seen as the future patron. "Nigeria is
likely to take a more active role in funding liberation movements in
southern Africa." Lagos, however, is not perceived as the "spiritual and bureaucratic capital of Africa"; Addis Ababa has that role...."
Foreign exchange earnings and government revenues increased
spectacularly with the oil price rises of 1973-74. On 29 July 29, 1975
Gen. Murtala Mohammed
and a group of officers staged a bloodless coup, accusing Gen. Yakubu
Gowon of corruption and delaying the promised return to civilian rule.
General Mohammed replaced thousands of civil servants and announced a
timetable for the resumption of civilian rule by 1 October 1979. He was
assassinated on 13 February 1976 in an abortive coup and his chief of staff Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo became head of state.
Second Republic
A constituent assembly
was elected in 1977 to draft a new constitution, which was published on
21 September 1978, when the ban on political activity was lifted. In
1979, five political parties competed in a series of elections in which
Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was elected president.
[37] All five parties won representation in the National Assembly.
During the 1950s prior to independence, oil was discovered off the
coast of Nigeria. Almost immediately, the revenues from oil began to
make Nigeria a wealthy nation. However, the spike in oil prices from $3
per barrel to $12 per barrel, following the Yom Kipur War in 1973 brought a sudden rush of money to Nigeria.
[38] Another sudden rise in the price of oil in 1979 to $19 per barrel occurred as a result of the lead up to the Iran-Iraq War.
[38]
All of this meant that by 1979, Nigeria was the sixth largest producer
of oil in the world with revenues from oil of $24 billiion per year.
In August 1983, Shagari and the NPN were returned to power in a
landslide victory with a majority of seats in the National Assembly and
control of 12 state governments. But the elections were marred by
violence and allegations of widespread vote rigging and electoral
malfeasance, leading to legal battles over the results.
On December 31, 1983 the military overthrew the Second Republic. Major General Muhammadu Buhari
emerged as the leader of the Supreme Military Council (SMC), the
country's new ruling body. The Buhari government was peacefully
overthrown by the SMC's third-ranking member General Ibrahim Babangida
in August 1985. Babangida (IBB) cited the misuse of power, violations
of human rights by key officers of the SMC, and the government's failure
to deal with the country's deepening economic crisis as justifications
for the takeover. During his first days in office President Babangida
moved to restore freedom of the press and to release political detainees
being held without charge. As part of a 15-month economic emergency
plan he announced pay cuts for the military, police, civil servants and
the private sector. President Babangida demonstrated his intent to
encourage public participation in decision making by opening a national
debate on proposed economic reform and recovery measures. The public
response convinced Babangida of intense opposition to an economic
recession.
The abortive Third Republic
Head of State, Babangida, promised to return the country to civilian
rule by 1990 which was later extended until January 1993. In early 1989 a
constituent assembly completed a constitution and in the spring of 1989
political activity was again permitted. In October 1989 the government
established two parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) - other parties were not allowed to register.
In April 1990 mid-level officers attempted unsuccessfully to
overthrow the government and 69 accused plotters were executed after secret trials
before military tribunals. In December 1990 the first stage of partisan
elections was held at the local government level. Despite low turnout
there was no violence and both parties demonstrated strength in all
regions of the country, with the SDP winning control of a majority of
local government councils.
In December 1991 state legislative elections were held and Babangida
decreed that previously banned politicians could contest in primaries
scheduled for August. These were canceled due to fraud and subsequent
primaries scheduled for September also were canceled. All announced
candidates were disqualified from standing for president once a new
election format was selected. The presidential election was finally held
on 12 June 1993, with the inauguration of the new president scheduled
to take place 27 August 1993, the eighth anniversary of President
Babangida's coming to power.
In the historic 12 June 1993 presidential elections, which most
observers deemed to be Nigeria's fairest, early returns indicated that
wealthy Yoruba businessman M. K. O. Abiola
won a decisive victory. However, on 23 June, Babangida, using several
pending lawsuits as a pretense, annulled the election, throwing Nigeria
into turmoil. More than 100 were killed in riots before Babangida agreed
to hand power to an interim government on 27 August 1993. He later
attempted to renege this decision, but without popular and military
support, he was forced to hand over to Ernest Shonekan,
a prominent nonpartisan businessman. Shonekan was to rule until
elections scheduled for February 1994. Although he had led Babangida's
Transitional Council since 1993, Shonekan was unable to reverse
Nigeria's economic problems or to defuse lingering political tension.
Sani Abacha
With the country sliding into chaos Defense Minister Sani Abacha
assumed power and forced Shonekan's resignation on 17 November 1993.
Abacha dissolved all democratic institutions and replaced elected
governors with military officers. Although promising restoration of
civilian rule he refused to announce a transitional timetable until
1995. Following the annulment of the June 12 election the United States
and others imposed sanctions on Nigeria including travel restrictions on
government officials and suspension of arms sales and military
assistance Additional sanctions were imposed as a result of Nigeria's
failure to gain full certification for its counter-narcotics efforts.
Although Abacha was initially welcomed by many Nigerians, disenchantment grew rapidly. Opposition leaders formed the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which campaigned to reconvene the Senate and other disbanded democratic institutions. On 11 June 1994 Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola
declared himself president and went into hiding until his arrest on 23
June. In response petroleum workers called a strike demanding that
Abacha release Abiola and hand over power to him. Other unions joined
the strike, bringing economic life around Lagos and the southwest to a
standstill. After calling off a threatened strike in July the Nigeria Labour Congress
(NLC) reconsidered a general strike in August after the government
imposed conditions on Abiola's release. On 17 August 1994 the government
dismissed the leadership of the NLC and the petroleum unions, placed
the unions under appointed administrators, and arrested Frank Kokori and
other labor leaders.
The government alleged in early 1995 that military officers and
civilians were engaged in a coup plot. Security officers rounded up the
accused, including former Head of State Obasanjo and his deputy, retired
General Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. After a secret tribunal most of the
accused were convicted and several death sentences were handed down. In
1994 the government set up the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal
to try Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa
and others for their alleged roles in the killings of four Ogoni
politicians. The tribunal sentenced Saro-Wiwa and eight others to death
and they were executed on 10 November 1995.
On 1 October 1995 Abacha announced the timetable for a three-year
transition to civilian rule. Only five political parties were approved
by the regime and voter turnout for local elections in December 1997 was
under 10%. On 21 December 1997 the government arrested General Oladipo Diya, ten officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting. The accused were tried before a military tribunal
in which Diya and eight others were sentenced to death. Abacha enforced
authority through the federal security system which is accused of
numerous human rights abuses, including infringements on freedom of
speech, assembly, association, travel, and violence against women.
Abubakar's transition to civilian rule
Abacha died of heart failure on 8 June 1998 and was replaced by
General Abdulsalami Abubakar. The military Provisional Ruling Council
(PRC) under Abubakar commuted the sentences of those accused in the
alleged coup during the Abacha regime and released almost all known
civilian political detainees. Pending the promulgation of the
constitution written in 1995, the government observed some provisions of
the 1979 and 1989 constitutions. Neither Abacha nor Abubakar lifted the
decree suspending the 1979 constitution, and the 1989 constitution was
not implemented. The judiciary system continued to be hampered by
corruption and lack of resources after Abacha's death. In an attempt to
alleviate such problems Abubakar's government implemented a civil
service pay raise and other reforms.
In August 1998 Abubakar appointed the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) to conduct elections for local government councils,
state legislatures and governors, the national assembly, and president.
The NEC successfully held elections on 5 December 1998, 9 January 1999,
20 February, and 27 February 1999, respectively. For local elections
nine parties were granted provisional registration with three fulfilling
the requirements to contest the following elections. These parties were
the People's Democratic Party (PDP), the All People's Party (APP), and the predominantly Yoruba Alliance for Democracy (AD). Former military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo,
freed from prison by Abubakar, ran as a civilian candidate and won the
presidential election. The PRC promulgated a new constitution based
largely on the suspended 1979 constitution, before the 29 May 1999
inauguration of the new civilian president. The constitution includes
provisions for a bicameral legislature, the National Assembly consisting
of a 360-member House of Representatives and a 109-member Senate.
Fourth Republic
The emergence of democracy in Nigeria on May 1999 ended 16 years of consecutive military rule. Olusegun Obasanjo
inherited a country suffering economic stagnation and the deterioration
of most democratic institutions. Obasanjo, a former general, was
admired for his stand against the Abacha dictatorship, his record of
returning the federal government to civilian rule in 1979, and his claim
to represent all Nigerians regardless of religion.
The new President took over a country that faced many problems, including a dysfunctional bureaucracy, collapsed infrastructure,
and a military that wanted a reward for returning quietly to the
barracks. The President moved quickly and retired hundreds of military
officers holding political positions, established a blue-ribbon panel to
investigate human rights violations, released scores of persons held
without charge, and rescinded numerous questionable licenses and
contracts left by the previous regimes. The government also moved to
recover millions of dollars in funds secreted to overseas accounts.
Most civil society leaders and Nigerians witnessed marked
improvements in human rights and freedom of the press under Obasanjo. As
Nigeria works out representational democracy, conflicts persist between
the Executive and Legislative branches over appropriations and other
proposed legislation. A sign of federalism has been the growing
visibility of state governors and the inherent friction between Abuja
and the state capitals over resource allocation.
Communal violence has plagued the Obasanjo government since its
inception. In May 1999 violence erupted in Kaduna State over the
succession of an Emir resulting in more than 100 deaths. In November
1999, the army destroyed the town of Odi, Bayelsa State
and killed scores of civilians in retaliation for the murder of 12
policemen by a local gang. In Kaduna in February–May 2000 over 1,000
people died in rioting over the introduction of criminal Shar'ia in the
State. Hundreds of ethnic Hausa were killed in reprisal attacks in
south-eastern Nigeria. In September 2001, over 2,000 people were killed
in inter-religious rioting in Jos. In October 2001, hundreds were killed
and thousands displaced in communal violence that spread across the
states of Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa. On 1 October 2001 Obasanjo
announced the formation of a National Security Commission to address the issue of communal violence. Obasanjo was reelected in 2003.
The new president faces the daunting task of rebuilding a
petroleum-based economy, whose revenues have been squandered through
corruption and mismanagement. Additionally, the Obasanjo administration
must defuse longstanding ethnic and religious tensions if it hopes to
build a foundation for economic growth and political stability.
Currently there is conflict in the Niger Delta over the environmental destruction caused by oil drilling and the ongoing poverty in the oil-rich region.
A further major problem created by the oil industry is the drilling
of pipelines by the local population in an attempt to drain off the
petroleum for personal use or as a source of income. This often leads to
major explosions and high death tolls.
[41]
Particularly notable disasters in this area have been: 1) October 1998,
Jesse, 1100 deaths, 2) July 2000, Jesse, 250 deaths, 3) September 2004,
near Lagos, 60 deaths, 4) May 2006, Ilado, approx. 150-200 deaths
(current estimate).
Two militants of an unknown faction shot and killed Ustaz Ja'afar
Adam, a northern Muslim religious leader and Kano State official, along
with one of his disciples in a mosque in Kano
during dawn prayers on 13 April 2007. Obasanjo had recently stated on
national radio that he would "deal firmly" with election fraud and
violence advocated by "highly placed individuals." His comments were
interpreted by some analysts as a warning to his Vice President and 2007
presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar.
In the 2007 general election, Umaru Yar'Adua and Goodluck Jonathan, both of the People's Democratic Party,
were elected President and Vice President, respectively. The election
was marred by electoral fraud, and denounced by other candidates and
international observers.
[44][45]
Yar'Adua's sickness and Jonathan's successions
Yar'Adua's presidency was fraught with uncertainty as media reports
said he suffered from kidney and heart disease. In November 2009, he
fell ill and was flown out of the country to Saudi Arabia for medical
attention. He remained incommunicado for 50 days, by which time rumours
were rife that he had died. This continued until the BBC aired an
interview that was allegedly done via telephone from the president's
sick bed in Saudi Arabia. As of January 2010, he was still abroad.
In February 2010, Goodluck Jonathan began serving as acting President in the absence of Yaradua.
[46]
In May 2010, the Nigerian government learned of Yar'Adua's death after a
long battle with existing health problems and an undisclosed illness.
This lack of communication left the new acting President Jonathan with
no knowledge of his predecessor's plans. Yar'Adua's Hausa-Fulani
background gave him a political base in the northern regions of Nigeria,
while Goodluck does not have the same ethnic and religious
affiliations. This lack of primary ethnic support makes Jonathan a
target for militaristic overthrow or regional uprisings in the area.
With the increase of resource spending and oil exportation, Nigerian GDP
and HDI (Human Development Index) have risen phenomenally since the
economically stagnant rule of Sani Abacha, but the primary population
still survives on less than $2 USD per day. Goodluck Jonathan called for
new elections and stood for re-election in April 2011. He won and is
currently the president of Nigeria.
Historiography
The Ibadan School dominated the academic study of Nigerian history until the 1970s. It arose at the University of Ibadan
in the 1950s and remained dominant until the 1970s. The University of
Ibadan was the first university to open in Nigeria, and its scholars set
up the history departments at most of Nigeria's other universities,
spreading the Ibadan historiography. Its scholars also wrote the
textbooks that were used at all levels of the Nigerian education system
for many years. The school's output appears in the "Ibadan History
Series."
The leading scholars of the Ibadan School include Saburi Biobaku, Kenneth Dike, J. F. A. Ajayi, Adiele Afigbo,
E. A. Ayandele, O. Ikime and Tekena Tamuno. Foreign scholars often
associated with the school include Michael Crowder, Abdullahi Amith, J.
B. Webster, R. J. Gavin, Robert Smith, and John D. Omer-Cooper. The
school was characterized by its overt Nigerian nationalism and it was
geared towards forging a Nigerian identity through publicizing the
glories of pre-colonial history. The school was quite traditional in its
subject matter, being largely confined to the political history
that colleagues in Europe and North America were then rejecting. It was
very modern, however, in the sources used. Much use was made of oral history
and throughout the school took a strongly interdisciplinary approach to
gathering information. This was especially true after the founding of
the Institute for African Studies that brought together experts from
many disciplines.
The Ibadan School began to decline in importance the 1970s. The Nigerian Civil War
led some to question whether Nigeria was in fact a unified nation with a
national history. At the same time rival schools developed. At Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, Nigeria, the Islamic Legitimist school arose that rejected Western models in favour of the scholarly tradition of the Sokoto Caliphate and the Islamic world. From other parts of Africa the Neo-Marxist school arrived and gained a number of supporters. Social, economic, and cultural history also began to grow in prominence.
In the 1980s Nigerian scholarship in general began to decline, and
the Ibadan School was much affected. The military rulers looked upon the
universities with deep suspicion and they were poorly funded. Many top
minds were co-opted with plum jobs in the administration and left
academia. Others left the country entirely for jobs at universities in
the West. The economic collapse of the 1980s also greatly hurt the
scholarly community, especially the sharp devaluation of the Nigerian
currency. This made inviting foreign scholars, subscribing to journals,
and attending conferences vastly more expensive. Many of the domestic
journals, including the
Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, faltered and were only published rarely, if at all.
Reference: http://en.wikipedia.org
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